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Book. A 41 4 



I 

IJolitical oTracts for tf)c (Jimcs. 

No. II. 




WHO AND WHAT IS JOHN TYLER? 



By ANTI-JUNIUS. 



"Free minds, froc heart.', free Boulsjarn the materials, and the only materials, out of which free goveo*- 
waeata ore constructed." — Democrat^PIkviicw. 






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WHO AND WHAT IS JOHN TYLER? 



PRKFACE. 

Til.- . \!(.i .f.luinn- po'lilcal fiirtuiicd (>r PrtiiiUftit Tyler ari', of tlieinsth'fs, u matter of initrfst, ap- 

ftVi: I" lOIIIUlU')'. 

l! ■ ilir foUowine iMijrii llmt lie has linen honored with piililic confiileiice since he was 

l«" . '; that he liu!i pufisiil. williDiil undue I'lrml (in Ills pan, lliriiii);h all Ihe crailaiiiins 111 

inline.. 1 .ii< ii|i t • llie rroidi-ncy. It will ukio be ^eeii, llial in all these lie has uciiuitted llliiiseir like 
kii lH>it< It mail unil a tintii'iiinii. 

'I'll \ !.!■!■■ Ill 1-. w lii( i: Mr Tyler lins Imd lo eiico'inier cif late, is suiricient to nlanii every true 
IViM :Mn has iiiinieniiiinilily I'liliaiieed the iiiiiral heaiity 01° his coiuhict ; It 

pO't lilt 11. iiiociiicy is i-inin to he hill a naiiir, it the iigpudeiit spirit ol die 

ia;i' • > and piili ieiaiis, piuri-ssedly Deimicratic, be not nbiiked. 

V .f;. I', I !..n l/itt I'/ iy\4 ill l/ic future ; and we greally iiiisuike, if the Deniocrarjr 

do I .:li In till- pieiiii.>es ; and not reyl content till the liinjesiy of princilile, as seen in the 

eouf ■ 1 ; I'yler, iM-triuinphanily vindicated. 

\V.- (If i< t..i.M'nd iiltioad tills liiile irati with no inispivinc.o, lint with hope and coiifideiice. We 
hn»r yel to Icani Hint the true-hearted Deniocraey will not li.-ti-n lo words of sincerity; that they will 
iMit dilfiid oil.- who has stiMid by their principles In tinieul des<-ition and peril. 

Tre-idrnt 'J'yii-r expi-cis no ipiarters, asks no ipiariers, from ilie pariy-dictaloi-s to whom atlui^ion has 
bw'U iiiiide: bnt he tlnrn ii.«k u hi-arin;: of the candid, the npiiuht, the just. A: tli<'ir hands, and theirs 
only, dm-* he gi-ek n verdict ; a verdict which will be worth iiion;, a thousand-fold more, than the 
pl.-iiidils «>f the iV'-.terinj.' pirilsans whosi-<iiily pniicipliv are ilie " live loaves and two fishes." 

The lilindsof I'lesid. Ill 'J'yler will not lorsake him till this verdict be lairly eiveii. 

The writer liifi iH-en excel diiisly eiiiharrnssed in prepurin;; the followin;- pa!;"'S, by the nocessily of 
confining liniisrll wiilini his limits, it is a toil to c»/i>/(^/i.<<;, a pleasure to am/y/i/y, ii'i the defence of a 
man who, like Schiller's artist, " looks upward to his dignity and liis calling, aiid nut downward todiis 
liuppiiie.-s and Ins wautii." 

December, le43. 



PART I. 

There i.s no infirmity of the human mind so common as that of Prejudice. 
This leads us to ibnii ojiinions of jhtsohs and things, witliout a due examina- 
tion of the facts or arguments which are necessaif to a ju.-st atid impartial de- 
cision. 

Every one can call to mind instances in which he has been prejudiced against 
others and in whicii, on a more inlimcte acquaintance with them, tiiese prt^ju- 
diccs lia\'c pa.ssed away. 

It is especially .^o in religion and politics. The Protestant cherishes ungen- 
erous prepo.=se.ssioiis against iiis Catholic neighbor and the Catholic faith. Cir- 
cumstances bring him in contact with a Aiithful, eloquent Cheverus, or with a 
meek, toil-worn Sister of Charity, and lie finds that in the bo.som of these devo- 
ted disciples the true spirit of Christianity dwells. lie tmlearns his prejudice, 
and is liimself a better man. So with the Catholic toward tiie Protestant. At 
a distance from each other, he misunderstands the prjnciples and practice of 
tJip I'rotestant. Circumstances bring them together; thei-- ditferent creeds are 
forgotten in acts ol mutual good-will ; liis prejudices pass away like the thin 
vapor which for a moment shrouds the brightne.s-^ of the sun. lie, too, is a 
belter man; and he wonders that he had not earlier gone to school of candor. 

In Politic8 it is the same. W'c imbibe our ideas of men and measures, we 
scarce know how. Insensibly we become posse.s'sed of almost invincible pre- 
dil|-etioiiH. They come to u.s it may be, with other unexamined notions of our 
childhood, and bicomr a part of otui-elve.s. NVe grow older, and we liiid that 
all is not patriotism which wears that sacn d name ; that there be some good 
men and true, whom wi' have nii-simderstood and umlervaiued, and whointhe 
loiigtie of envy has maligned. Wr unlearn our prejudices in these matters, 
and are better men, nobler men, manlier men, than wlien we cherished unjust 
opinioiiR. 

Wo it iH in the social relations of life. We dislike a pcr.son, we know not 
why. NVu an- averse to hi8 companionship. We would have nothing to do with 
him. Something, however, occurs which brings us into his socii;ty. We 
loarvol lliat we iind him even aidurabk. Our dislike is lessened, our preju- 



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dice gradvially gives way, and he whom we disliked to excess is now our hon- 
ored iVifiid. Prejudice has done it all; and he only is fkei: who judges not 
unless he have evidence on which he can rely. 

Unprincipled jioliticiaiis are prompt to take advantage of (his tendency of 
the n)ind. li' a man superior to them in the elements that form a noljle 
character appear as a competitor for public regard, they instinctively go to the 
foul work of calumny and misrepresentation. In proportion as he rises above 
them in cliaracter aiid abilities does their violence rise. They caimot endure 
the thought of his success, and what the truth could not accomplish they seek 
to compiiss by falsehood. 

Tlius situated is the noble-hearted Democrat who stands at the head of the 
Gcvsrnm^nt. 

Let us dwell for a moment on his introduction to the Presidency. 

The election of 1840 had passed by. He had been triumphantly elevated to 
the Vice-Presidency. His services not being required at Washington, he 
remained in the quiet of- his much-loved home, little dreaming that such 
.stern responsibilities were soon to pa.ss into his hand.s. The post which 
brought him tidings of the President's illness had scarce laid its budget at his 
door, when a messenger from Washington apprized him that death had taken 
away the Chief; and that, unprepared as he was, he must enter upon the 
highest duties that can devolve upon an American citizen. Trusting in that 
Power whose aid is never sought in vain, he was obedient to the summons. 
To do his duty to the People, was the measure of his ambition and the rule of 
his conduct. For this, his eye was single ; for this, he was ready to give 
himself, and all he had, or should have, a willing sacrifice. 

Arriving at Washington,ihe immediately took the oath of office as President 
of the United States. Let us ponder well the solemn covenant between him- 
self and his God, between himself and the country, which this oath implies. 

" I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the ojjlce of President of the 
United Stales, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, prolecl, and defend the 
Constilutioii of the United Stales.'' 

Three day.s afterwards he presented his first address to the people, as Chief 
Magistrate ; a paper replete with simplicity, beauty, and sound Democratic 
principle. Everywhere was it hailed by the Democracy as a pledge of better 
things than they" had expected at the hands of the Whigs. It was the olive 
leaf that told tiiat the angry waters they had feared were to subside. It was 
this simple-hearted, straight-forward document that reached the writer of 
these pages in his sequestered frontier-home, and convinced him that a Demo- 
crat in whom Avas no guile, had been raised up in an hour of extremity. 

For a brief; very brief period, there was silence in the Whig camp. A ijew 
order of things had come to pass, to which it did not immediately appear how 
the interests of a certain ambitious partisan could be adapted. It was finally 
determined, that he whom they could not seduce from his integrity as a man 
and a Democrat, should be destroyed by calumny and malignant opposition. 
Now the lioodgates of falsehood and abuse are opened upon him. lie was 
"ruthlessly charged with hypocrisy, treachery, feebleness, imbecility ; with 
abandoning his party and betraying his friends." In every possible way his 
administration was embarrassed. The sagacity of his more able enemies was 
tasked to the utmost to frame bills in Congress in direct hostility to his well- 
known views, tor no object but to embarrass him; and the low cunning of the 
miserable Bolts (an appropriate name) went about the filthy work of, in his 
own elegant language, "heading olf the Captain !" 

Let the candid reader call to memory the abuse heaped upon President 
Tyler, and he will not hesitate to say it has no parallel in the political annals 
of the country. 

ID" We now come to a most important inquiry, to wit: Whji was the 
SECRET OF Tins FOUL ABUSE ; whence the origin of these clamors .' 

On this point the whole matter hinges, so far as the Whigs are concerned. 
Let the truth in the premises be pondered well by the candid reader. This 
is the truth : — General Harrison was pledged to but one term of service. 
Mr. Clay was to be his successor. The whole patronage of tlie Government 



( o 

wan to be devoted to tne cau?e of Mr. Clay- Tlii.s it was supposed, would 
ioBurw his election agaiiift any Democralir candidate that could be brought 
into the fu Id. Mr. Tyler came into the Prefiidency. He liad no confidence i[» 
Mr. Clay's pol.'iii-al principles, and he did not \vi.--h to aid him in hid ambitious 
views 111 evt-r so .-small a degree. Thi.s state ot' things Air. Clay at once ^aw ; 
and he n-^olvfd to bring the entire force of tlu; Whig pie.s.s and party to de- 
htroy tin- noble President, whose ear was deaf to seduction, to entreaty, and to 
ihri-atiiiing. 

This is the secret of the whde matter. This will account for the change 
which so soon came over the spirit of the Whig party. But a few days belbre 
the air was laden with liis prai.se. In numberless hard-cider revelries the 
Whigs almost split their throats in the choru.s, 

"Tippecanoe, and Tyler too." 

Hi.s name wa«i use^ by tliein as tlie synonyme of all that was of good report in 
public and private life. 

The change can be accotmted for on no other principle than that we have 
named ; and, haul we room, we could present facts which would demonstrate 
the poj^ition a.ssumed. It will form a part of our labor on another occasion ; 
when a tale will be told whicli will put tlie blush on cheeks unuted to such a 
sign of modesty. 



PART n. 

Having glanced at the false position in which the honest President has been 
placed l>y the action of prejudice, and the machinations of his former Whig 
friend.s we come to notice the still more unju.stifiable and impolitic course which 
certain De.mocrats (?) have taken towards him. 

On this point we have much, very vmch^ to say ; for it involves considera- 
tions which are vital to the perpetuity of Democratic principle.s in our land. 
We earnestly l>eg the reader to lullow us carefully through this part of our work, 
and ponder well the thoughts we may offer. W'e desire this the more earnestly 
for \\i: believe that, nf a trulh. President Tijlei- has been i-aised up to meet a crisis 
in the struggles o/' Democracy against Federalism, of more imporlaiKe to Democ- 
racy than any struggle she ha.s had since our nation had its birth. 

We admit that this is taking high ground ; but it is that to which facts drive 
us. History will not fail to utter its testimony to thi.s, as it t^liall record the 
diiings of the perilous times in whicli we live. But to our work. 

<Jur country seems destined to become the greatest on the earth. Its rivers 
stretch Irom the frozen to the burning zone. Uncounted millions of acres of 
the richest land, which the eye of the wandering bird only hath seen, lie waiting 
for man. The.'-e all are the patrimony of the poor and the 0}ipres.sed of the 
Old World, and of our children and children's children in ages to come. 
Thither tile I'ormer will be driven by the iron rule of de.<polisni ; thither the 
latter will go to earn and enjoy the blessings ot life. In one Imndred years 
iJiree hundred niillion.s of people will find a home within our borders; 'their 
physical and political condition materially affected by the ibrm and pressure 
of our times! 

Now let us cast the eye across the ocean, and see in what condition, whether 
physical or political, tin; crowded nations there are |)laced. In England, pro- 
Ie8».edly the best governed of them all, there are degradation and distre.ss which 
tlio inasfios Beem unable longer to (Midure or to smother."^ Th.-ir forbearance 
\H almont miraculous, their patience suporhuman. On the continent, though 
there in U-hH of bodily sulft-ring, then' is as much of .-social degradation. Men 
''' ' ' -ved to change their place of residence, or their occupation, nor pass 
' 'I town, without written permis.sion of the authorities ! To be with- 

U-. .. , ,. j„jrt iM uvidenco of one's being a fugitive or a vagabond. In Huti- 
g«ry, ft loll IM wrung from the liaiidsof the hard-working laborers, in passing 

■^'" ■'"' ^!'> "' ''"•"''m, (nui Inrl.iilinK li» •iiilmrb-,) ihrn- w.r.', in lH4i. S9,U32 nau|K:rb! In Ureal 
■rtuin and licload than art uu mllUuiu ol jK-oplo wliu " nsptr usu whcoL" 



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over a bridge, which is not domanded from a well-dressed person. In somo 
couutrifis men arc sold like caltlo with llu' cstato.* Povc^rty, abject as that of 
the wild beast of the forest, is the portion of the people, while the rulers can 
scarce compute their own wealth, and their bodies, like that of I'riuce Ebter- 
hazy, blaze wilh diamonds. 

Now, what halh caused all thisl Obviously, the political system of those 
countries; lor a brighter sun, a richer soil, a more benignant sky, blesses no 
country more thati it blesses thera. With his own eyes the writer of these 
pages has seen these things. 

Jlere let ns lay it to heart, thai the tendencies of our coimnon iiature arc the same 
in every age, in every land. 

In all ages of the world, a monopoly of privileges and of power has been 
the stake for which polilicians have played. Selfish and aiiibilious spirits have 
sought to occupy the scats of influence; to make the laws; to make other.'? 
hew wood and draw water for them ; and so to frame a Constitution that tliese 
privileges should be hereditary. Tliis is Monarchy, P^eudalism, Aristocracy, 
Federalism, or what other name we may please to give it. Its essence is the 
same in either form ; the difference is only in degree. 

Opposed to this is — what] — Democracv. Democracy demands equality of 
rights and privileges; demands the right to speak and think as best may suit 
itself If unjust claims or pretensions are urged, it is prompt to deny them. 
It is vigilant, and jealous of the least inroad upon equal justice, and needs but 
to see where danger lies to arrest its progress. 

Thta-e is no li^ar that the principle opposed to Democracy will ever assume 
in this country the dreadt'ul forms it has put on in older ones. We cannot be- 
come serfs, nor our rulers lords. 

CT But will not unhalloiacd ambition seek to control, in so/ne form or other, the 
popular mind, and to accumulate power in its own hands ? 

To this — 

The Present Danger of Democracy — 

let us attend for a few moments. 

The carelul observer has not failed to notice, that, within the last twenty 
years, political freedom has been sadly trenched upon by certain leading Demo- 
crats (!) under the guise of a necessary party discipline. Here and there cer- 
tain cliques of leaders have impudently assumed to direct party opinion, party 
tactics, party conscience. It would insult the reader's common sense and in- 
telligence to cite the proof of this. The /^rc/ stands out, naked and undeniable, 
until the significant title of " Collar-men'' has passed into common use, as 
plainly applicable to the Democracy. jN'o Democrat has been allowed to dis- 
sent from the self-appointed rules of the party, in howsoever small a degree, 
without losing political caste. IV'e knoic 2chererf loc ajjlrm. It is as undeniable 
as it is that there is a sun to give light by day, and a moon by night. No disa- 
vowal of it on the part of the leaders or of their press, no ridicule, no abuse, 
can alter the fact. They know it, the party knows it, and the world knows it. 

It should ever be borne in mind, that i7 is inseparable from the true idea of free- 
dom, thai a 7nan shall think, and act, and vole on all political 7natters, as best may 
suit him. If this is in any way or in any degree abridged or trenched upon, 
no matter under what pretence, it is a positive trenching upon one's rights as a 
Democrat and a Man. Jt is impudence and tyranny to do it ; and he who 
does it, is 7U/i a Democrat, though he scream Democracy till he crack j^is cheeks. 

In Russia, the knout makes men square their ideas by the ruler's wish. In 
Turkey, a man must echo the Sultan's or the Pasha's will, or go to bed 
without ears. In England, he must vote as the lord of the manor shall direct, 
or bid farewell to the home of his childhood, and give place to another tenant 
more supple in conscience and less of a Man. In our own beloved country, 

*" Witliow an exception," said Mr. Ward, in the House of Commons, " the tenants of the Duke of 
Li'e<ls an- nsJnUd as a portion of the cliailels nt the estate." 

A late report in the Drilish I'arliaiiit'iii clastiifiid ilie tenantry into those who were "packed up into 
tnauor^i and bought iu ihe gross, and thobe wlio were let loose and bought iudividuuUy." 



(G) 

politicians have risen up, witli large infltn^nce, and ablo, through prostituted 
I . s to control ihe Democratic mind. If any one dissent from theii^ ho 
1 ! .. more a standing in tlie party ! Would not these men be autocrais in 
It, ,, I, pashas in 'J'urkey, arij^tocrats in Enj^land?- Is not //leir dictation the 
; . tor the Fame spirit as is tin- iron rule of their exemplars in the Old World! 
\ And the obedience they demand at our hands is the very essence and 

I of despotism. It would deserve our cnntempl if the dangers which it 
lii., at'-ns did not give rise to more serious feelings. 

U-t these impudent lordlings learn a lesson of the poor imbecile Charles the 
tenth, who lost even the semblance of power by drawing its reins too closely. 
Tile motto of the true democrat is — Loyalty to Principle, not to leaders. 

The sunmiing up of our argument on this part of our subject is this, name- 
ly ; — Thai the tiolent and xinappeasable abuse of PresiJeril Tyler by the. Washing- 
ton Glob'-, the Albany Regency, and their q'jiluited presses and polUicians, is sub- 
versiie of the very firat principles of Democracy : and that, as a correlative, it is 
the privilege and the duty of the true Democrat to sustain him, ihrovgh evil and 
through giHid report. 

Twice in one year President Tyler vetoed the United States Bank. Is not 
this democratic ? ' He has called to his Cabinet men known and read of all to be 
democraLs. Is not this democratic? No one, friend nor foe, can put his 
finger on a line written, or a word uttered by him, that is not democratic. 
And when the whole camp of the Whigs was let loose upon him, because of kis^ 
democracy, he stood lirm, tlie Leonidas of the democratic faith. 

We shall now pass to a brief sketch of his life. 



PART III. 

SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JOHN TYLER. 

His Birth. 

John Tylek was born in Charles City County, Virginia, the 29th of March, 
1790. His father was one of the leading Kevolutionary characters of Virginia ; 
•was for many years a judge of the Dihlrict Court of the United Slates; and, as 
a dislingui^hed author .says, "he was simple in his manners, distinguished tor 
the uprightness and fidelity with which he discharged his olhcial duties, and 
enjoyed in an uncommon degree the esteem and confidence of his fellow citi- 
zens." He was several times elected speaker of the House of Burges.ses, as it 
was then styled, and was also honored with the (iubernatoiial chairof the Slate, 
As Judge of the Court of Admiralty, the first prize ever taken by the United Stales 
upon the ocean u-as brought before him for aJjudicalioiu 

Ilis Youth. 
The boyhood of John Tyler was one of clo.se study, as will be seen in the 
fact that at the age of twelve he entered coli-go.^lere he was beloved by tho 
venerable Prenident of the College and his 1» llow-studenls to an unusual degree. 
Tlie frank, conllding .'-pirit, which so emii;ontly characterizes liis maidiood, ap- 
peared beautifully in the boy. None knew him but to love him. When hiscolle- 
miate course was (ini.-hed, he delivered an addres.s which was pronounced by tho 
Faculty aWthe Utst ever delivered on a similar occasion in that college** Thus 
pah>>i'd lii.s eany boyhood, untainted by vice; laying tlio foundation of future 
grcattiuuH ; a Iriend lo all around, and all around a friend to him. 

Jlis Eitrly Manhood. 

On leaving collf>g;e ho pclecled the profession of law for a pursuit; and 

...II. . ,.,|y ^^.jiii jijj^ lather, and partly with Edmund Uandoliili, a signer ol 

iliun of Independence. Ao marvel that the indomilulde spirit wilk 

: . i ,i</rn/ 'I)^Ur d- fends what he believes lo be principle, should pos.scss his 



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bosom, when in youth he sat at the feet of one of the band who signed that 
givat document of civil liberty. 

His progress in the law was brilliant and rapid. At the age of nineteen he 
applied tor a license to practise in the courts of his native State. This was 
granted without pvon an inquiry as to liis age. He passed at once into a large 
practice, and had money been the object of his ambition, he could Iiave ac- 
(juired a jiriiicely fortune by his profession. Not a word has ever been said 
against his integrity as a lawyer, even by his bitterest opponent. He was an 
honest lairi/er ; ever ready to defend the weak against the strong, the poor 
against the rich, the oppressed against the oppressor. 

His Entrance upon Public Life. 

The virtues and talents of the boy were appreciated by liis fellow-citizens ; 
and at the age of twenty he was offeied a nomination to the Legislature of 
Virginia. This he declined, but at the age of twenty-one he was chosen to 
that body by a nearly nnaniaious vote. This triumphant testimonial of the 
purity of his youthful character must be one of the proudest recollections of 
his life. He entered upon public service a DEMOCRAT. Mr. Madison was 
then President, and a more zealous supporter that distinguished man did not 
have. Mr. Tyler took a decided stand against Great Britain at that day, on 
the question of war. He had no spice of Toryism in his composition. He 
knew his infant country had right on lier side, and this was enough. He also 
knew that she had energies adequate to her detence and triumph. His 
eloquence and influence were not all the offering he laid upon his country's 
altar at that trying period, when domestic Toryism was not less to be feared 
than British cannon. He raised a volunteer company by his own resources, 
devised its simple tactics, and stood ready, stripling as he was, to lay down his 
hfe lor his country. The spirit of '76 is seen in this simple fact. It has 
never been blazoned forth lor public admiration, nor Jiave other rare and beau- 
tiful facts which are scattered up and down throughout his entire history. 

Mr. Tyler was elected to the Legislature for five successive years. At one 
of these elections seven other candidates were in the field against him, but he 
received all but five votes ! Thus did those who best knew him testify to his 
worth and abilities. Many years later, when a candidate for Congress, he re- 
ceived all b..t one vote, and" this too when opposed by a distinguished com- 
petitor. To what does this popularity testify 1 Let any of his enemies point to 
a popularity like it, in the annals of our entire country. 

His Appearance in Congress. 

When but twenty-five he became a member of Congress. At this early age 
his pure character and commanding talents were thus yielding their legitimate 
fruit. \ 

His conduct in Congress was distinguished by a modest dignity and manly 
firmness. These characteristics are vividly remembered by his contemporaries 
of that period. Topics of surpassing interest were before the house, during the 
first session of his term ; in all of which he was found on tlie true Democratic 
ground, defending its principles \#ilh signal ability. Among these was the 
Navigation Act, which was designed to protect the commerce of our rising 
country, and to open a clear sea for the enterprise of our gallant sailors and 
our princely merchants. ^^ Free Trade and Sailors^ Rights" has been his motto 
from the earliest moment of his political career. 

We find him at this session advocating the reduction of the pay of the mem- 
bers of Congress. He, with others, deemed the pay too high ; others were 
for an increase of pay. The strife grew hot, when the youthful Tyler rose, 
and said : — " I did not float into this house on the tide of popular declamation ; 
I was elected to supply the. vacancy occasioned by the lamented deatb of my 
honored predecessor. Popularity is to be desired by all, and the good esteem 
of his fellow-men is the best reward the patriot can receive. 

" You have no robes of office here to bestow, no stars or garters to confer, 
but the proudest title which we can boast, and tlie only one worthy of being 



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boasted of, IB that which is to be read in the applause of our contemporaries 
and the pratitudr t>f posterity. This is not to be obtained by a low and grovel- 
ling pursuit of popular favor; and the man who rests his hopes of popularity 
on buth a course will, most assuredly, be disa|)pointed in his object. 

** I shall vote for a repeal of the compensation law, as 1 know it to be the 
wish of my constituents that it .sliould be repealed. I liave had a fair oppor- 
tunity of knowing their wishes, for 1 am fresh from their hands. 1 am not dis- 
posed to hold up my constituents in the ridiculous light in which some gentlo- 
nieti liave represented theirs. I have too much respect for them to do so. 
They have looked to the large national debt, and think it requires reduction, 
tliey believe that economy is necessary. They see the tax-gatiierers dispersed 
throughout the country, and they cannot be made to understand why, at a 
tinu! when retrenchment was so necessary. Congress should have increa.sed 
llieir wages. It is vain to tell them, as some gentlemen, very nice at calcula- 
tion, have made it appear, that each of them have only to bear an additional 
Lurden of one and a quarter cents. Their answer is at hand : they say, and 
have a right to say to you, take the pressure from off our shoulders — we feel 
the weight of it ; take the burden from omt backs — then take it from your own. 
They go farther. Although they do not believe that this Congress is corrupt, 
Uiey regard you as setting a bad example. They look forward to distant, and, 
perhaps, less honest times, when wicked men, profiting by your example, may 
vote themselves ample fortunes, and laugh at the people whose trust they have 
tlius abused. I repeat, that my constituents do not think this Congress cor- 
rupt for having pas.sed this law. They look here, and see men who have 
devoted their youth and manhood to the service of their country, who have 
grown old at the helm of the vessel. They see among you many wno have 
rode out, in secinily, the boisterous storm of faction and of party, and have 
avoided the whirlpools which threatened to swallow up both you and them. 
They look to this held, and see many of you wlio are willing to expose your 
own breasts to receive the lightning ere it should AiU upon the bosom of your 
country ; and, I repeat it, they do not distrust your patriotism, but they 
strongly disapprove your course. It is not lor me "to inquire into the correct- 
ness of their opinions. It is enough that 1 know then- will, to cause me to 
obey it." 

Mr. Tyler concluded by declaring that he .«hould vote for a repeal of the 
law, to take effect from the first of the session, and expressing aji earnest hope 
that the bill might jiass in that fbrn). 

Hut we camiot enlarge. We have, with a brevity painful to ourselve.s, 
■»'hen such rich materials were presented, followed President Tyler through the 
trying scenes of boyhood, youth, and early manhood. We have seen his fel- 
low-citizens sending him, while almost a boy, to be their representative in their 
own legislature and in the Congress of the United States : — a fitting com- 
n>encement, indeed, of his beautiful life ; a pledge that in the maturity of his 
powers, he would be a man on whom reliance could be placed. 

It is not within our limits to follow Mr. Tyler as he passed, without noise or 
eflbrt, through tlie various stations to which his fellow-citizen.^ called him. 
Suffice it to say, tliat lie was succcssiveh- elected, with equal unanimity, to 
the I>-gi.-laturo until the winter of 181.")-1(T, when, hy joint-ballot of the Legis- 
lature, and with the los.s of only fifteen votes in the two houses, consisting of 
two hundnd and fbrty-two memher.s, lie was chosen a member of the Privy 
Council of State. In the fall of 1^10 he was elected a member of the House of 
ll<'j.restfntatives of the United States, from the Richmond district, and contin- 
ued to serve in that iiou.se until the year 1821, when, by reason of ill health, he 
d.chnod a re-election. In 18-^1 lie was again elected to the Legislature of Vir- 
giiua by th-- citizens of his native coiu)ty, and served till the winter of 1825, 
when fie wan chosen (Jovernor of Virginia for one year, and in 182G he was 
re-tl<-ct«-d to llie Maine office by a unanimous vote. Early in the year 1827 he 
waK rhciwn a senator in Congress, and was re-elecird to' that elevatid station 
in lKi;j. and continued to serve until iH'.Ki ; during which time he was elected 
I'rcfcidfnt pro. It-iu. of the Hcnate, when, in consequence of his being unable to 



(0) 

reconcile certain instructions of the Legislature then given to his sense of con- 
fctitulioiial obligation, lie resigned three unexpired years of his term, and went 
into retirement, in which he remained until elected Vice-president ol'tlie United 
States in 1840, with the exception of one session's service in the Legislature m 
18;38, from the county of James City. 

Who is John Tyler? has thus been briefly answered. Wha/ he ix, as a poli- 
lician, may be gathered from his sentiments as they arc collected from public 
records. To these we sJiall now address ourselves; greatly mistaking tho 
premises, if we cannot prove, that on all the leading topics of the day, ho is as 
thoroughly Democratic as was Jefferson, Jackson, or Van Burcn. 

His Oppqsition lo a Bank of the United Stales. 
" I am bound to furnish you with arguments, but not with brains" said a 
distinguished man to one of those stupid talkers who infest community. With 
e(]ual pertinency might the remark be made to those who charge inconsistency 
upon I'resident Tyler in relation to a United States Bank. Almost the maiden 
act of his political life was to oppose the Bank. And this he has continued to 
do, under every administration, under every condition of things. In one of his 
earliest speeches he likened the Bank to a sturdy becgak. These are his 
words, uttered, be it remembered, in 1819. 

" 'i"he first rellection which occurs is, that the Bank does not loan money. 
It merely e.xchanges credit. It gives its notes-of-hand for the notes-of-hand of 
individuals; and, paying no premium in the form of interest itself, requires a 
premium of those with whom it deals. Its credit is founded on the confidence 
of the public in its capacity, which confidence is the result of the governmental 
action in its creation. This remark applies to all incorporated banks ; but an- 
other circumstance exists in regard to this bank, which extends its control 
throughout the mercantile world — the fact of its notes being made receivable 
everywhere in payment of the government dues. However solvent an individ- 
ual may be, liis notes will not pass currently beyond a small neighborhood cir- 
cle, lie is, therefore, under the frequent necessity of adopting the bank credit 
or notes for his own credit or notes, and of giving a premium in the form of in- 
terest, when, in fact, his solvency is as perfect, his responsibility as entire, to 
the extent of his undertaking, as that of the Bank. True, the Bank is liable to 
be called on to redeem its notes daily ; but the fact that its issues exceed its 
capital twice or thrice, shows that that responsibility is remote and inconsidera- 
ble. Is, then, five per cent, enough to compensate the Bank for this exchange 
of its credit for the credit of individuals'.' Can anyone doubt it! Take a ^eg-- 
gar in the streets, and let the government announce its determination to re- 
ceive his notes in the payment of its dues, amounting, as they do, to twenty- 
five or thirty millions aiuiually, and who doubts but that the credit of the beg- 
gar* \\'ou\i be sought after with avidity, and that he would speedily be enriched 
if he was peran'tted to receive a premium much below five per cent.?" 

On another occasion in Congress he said : 

" The question, whether it be proper to issue a scire facias against the Bank, 
divides itself into two lieads of inquu-y. First, whether the charter has been so 
violated as to inure a forfeiture J And if so, is it expedient to exact the for- 
feiture ] The decision of the first would preclude me trora an inquiry into the 
second ; fur, inasnnich as 1 believe the creation of this corporation to be unconsti- 
tutional, I cannot, icithout a violation of mtj oath, hesitate to rejxiir the breach thus 
maile in the Consliluliun, when an opportunity presents itself of doing so icithout 
violating the public faith. 

" Under every view, then, which I have been able to take, I think that the 
Bank has forfeited its charter, or, at least, that it becomes us to direct the scire 
facias. It' we differ on the subject of violation and forfeiture, submit it to the 
court to .settle the question. It is the mode pointed out in the charter, and 
against it the stockholders can have no good objection. 

" There remains now but one branch of inquiry with those who do nottliink 

* 'J'lif present condition of the affairs of tlie United States Bank stiows that this was more a prophecy 
than u ligiixc of spcccli. 



(10) 

the creation of this corporation an unconstitutional act, viz.: Is it expedient to 
direct a scire facias, or, in other word;^, to put down this corporation? / con- 
tend thiil it is. For one, I enter my protest against the hanking systoni as con- 
ducted in this country : a system not to be supported hy any correct principle 
of pohtical economy. A gross dehision, the dream of a visionary ; a system 
which has done more to corrupt tlie morals of society than any thing else — 
whicli has introduced a struggle for wealth, instead of that honorable struggle 
which governs the actions of the patriot, and makes ambition virtue — which 
has made tlie husbanchnan spurn his cottage, and introduced a spirit of luxury 
at variance with the simplicity of our institutions. I call upon the warm advo- 
cates of banking now to surrender their errors. Shall 1 take them by tho 
hand, and h>ad them through our cities .' Bankruptcy meets us at every stop — 
ruin stares us everywhere in the face. Shall I be told of the benefits arising to 
commerce from the concentration of capital ! Away with the delusion; expe 
ricnce has exposed its fallacy. True, for a moment it lias operated as a stim- 
ulus; hut, like ardent spirits, it has produced activity and energy but for a 
moment; relaxation has I'ollowed, and the torpor of death has ensued. When 
you tirst open your bank, much bustle ensues: a fictitious goddess, pretending 
to be Wealth, stands at the door, inviting all to enter, and receive accommoda- 
tion. Sj)lendid palaces arise, the ocean is covered with sails ; but some alter- 
ation in the state of tho country takes place ; and when the thoughtless adven- 
turer, seated in the midst of his family, in the enjoyment of imaginary felicity, 
sketches out to himself long and halcyon days, his prospects are overshadowed, 
and misery, ruin, and bankruptcy make llieir appearance in the form of bank 
curtailments. If this be true — and I appeal to the knowledge of all men for its 
truth — I demand to know if you can put down the system too soon] Can we 
too soon escape the dangers with which we are surrounded ? I know I shall 
be told that, even if we put down this bank, the state banks will still exist 
Even if true, the position is not a justifiable one. It the state Legislatures do 
not follow the example which we set tlu'in, we shall have acquitted ourselves 
of our duty. It is all that can be asked of us." 

But enough on this point. President Tyler knows no mercy for a United 
States Bank, has never known any. Twice within a single year he placed his 
Vkto on it ; and this under circumstances of temptation and threatening, to 
which the heroic Jackson was a stranger when he vetoed the same Institution. 
The latter was sustained by an overwlielming parly ; the former was deserted 
by all save a faithful few who clung to liim in his li)rlorn hope. 

Page upon page in proof of his never-dying hostility to the Baidc, could be 
quoted had we room. 

His Views on the Tariff. 

On this important subject President Tyler is thoroughly Democratic. He 
vote<l again.st the Tariff Bill of 18^, that "Bill ot Abominations," as it is prop- 
erly called by the great majority of the people ; indeed by all excepting those 
who •' put money in their purse" by the system. His doctrine, and no doubt 
it i« the HOund one, is, that if the Manufacturing interest receive undue pro- 
tection, BO that it sliall become a more lucrative business than other pursuits, 
capital and iahgr will (low toward it; and in the long nui, the Manufacturers 
would not be .s6 much benefited as they expect to. 

Alark what lie says on this point. 

"If gentlemen imagine that by this bill they are securing tho permanent in- 
toreslH of the mamifucturers ; if they believe that thia is all which wiH be re- 
(juired at tho hands of the Legislature^ they are most grossly deceived. This 
i« but the inci|)ient measure of a system. 1 venture to predict, that after tho 
Iajl^<• of a very few years, we hhall In* assailed by as urgent petitions as those 
whuh have poured ui on us at the present session. 

"What will be the effect of this measure] It proposes a rate of duties suffi- 
Cieiilly U\tiU to enable our artisans to undersell foreign artisans in the markets 
of thi« country. For a sliort lime it will have that etfecl, but it cannot long 
continue. It add-i to liie profits of those who at this time have their capital 



(11) 

invested in manunicturos ; and wliile othrr daf-sos will lahor undor sevem po- 
cuiiiarv tMiibarrassmcnts, ili(>y will enjoy comparative jimspority. What will bo 
the coiisecpaiice ] Why, sir, iherc is no princip!(! in polilical economy more uni- 
versally true, than that capital ivill (low into those ern[iloymentri from which it 
can derive the greatest profits. This bill, then, will have the ed'ect of causing 
new investments of capital. Thus a spirit of competition will have been gen- 
er.itc»d, and in thecour.-e of a few years the profits of these capitalists will have 
s -ttled down to their present level. The supply will always, aft(*ra short time, 
suit itself to tlie demand, and from being at first deficient, will often exceed it." 

Some years later he said in Congress — 

" I have embraced, in the short analysis whicli I have just given, the whole 
argument in fiivor of the tariff system. The answ'er accompanies it, and the 
decision cannot be at variaijce with the opinions I am advocating. Operating 
on ihe members of an individual society, it would bo highly oppressive and un- 
just ; but what shall we say of its elK'Cts upon states — iii/er pares? The con- 
iederacy rests on the })rinciple of perfect equality among its members. To im- 
pose a tax which operates unequally aincng the states, enriching .some and im- 
poverishing others, is to violate that ori^^inal design, and remove the foundation 
stone on which the social edilice was made' to rest." 

At a still later period he holds this em|)halic language on this topic: 

"After this, let not the name of Wasiiington be invoked in support of this 
policy. A majority of the Senate have resolved upon removing his venerated 
remains from their resting-place, to bury them in the midnight gloom of some 
subterranean vault of this huge edifice. Let us the rather manifest our ven- 
eration for his memory by following his precepts. Attend to liis last bequest 
made to his countrymen: 'Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all foreign 
nations, are recommended by humanity, policy, and interest — that even our 
commercial policy should lioid an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking 
nor granting exclusive preferences and favors — consulting the natural course of 
things — diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, 
and forcing nothing.' Why force any thing in such a country] Consult the 
pages of history, and tell me if ever a nation had made such rapid advances 
in refinement and wealth as this, before we resorted to political quackery, and 
administered sickening nostrums to fijrce every thing. A wilderness reclaimed 
— a world filled and filling with inhabitants — the arts and sciences keeping equal 
pace with our advance in wealth and prosperity, all going on happily and hai-- 
nioniously, and the country advancing widi rapid strides to the consummation 
of its high destinies. Why, then, Mr. President, force any thing?" 

Notwithstanding Mr. Tyler's decided views as to the undesirableness of a 
high Tariff, his wish ever has been and is to have the matter adjusted in the 
spirit of harmony and good faith ; as well toward the manufacturer as to- 
ward the people. And there is nothing more susceptible of proof than that 
from his suggestion the celebrated Compromise Act was hit upon* At all 
events he voted fur it. Hear what he said on the subject: 

" / would not rashly and rudely lay hands on the manufacturer, if I had the power 
to do so. While guing peace to one section, I would Jiot produce discord in another. 
This would be to accomplish nothing. The manufacturers desire time ; give them 

TIME, AMPLE TIME. 1f THEY WOULD COME DOWN TO THE REVENUE STANDARD 
AND ABANDON THE TROTECTIVE POLICY, I WOULD ALLOW THEM FULL TIME. / 

present these suggestions. for lam anxious to see this vexed question settled." 

And this was the manner in which it ivas settled. The protective principle 
was surrendered, and the ad valorem system established ; a gradual reduction 
of the duties on all hitherto protected articles took place, to terminate on the 
30th of June, 1842, a period of more than rune years, when no duty above 20 
per cent, ad valorem was to be laid ; and tlie duties on all articles not similar 
to those manufactured in the country were immediately repealed. 

His Regard for the Constitution. 
This is his crowning virtue as a Politician. There is not a man living, there 
never has been a man, so earnest in his defence of this great Charter of our 



(12) 

liberties, as John Tyler. With emphasis he may be called — The Defender of 
TUE (."oNSTiTt'TioN. Ill what eanieist, elo()ueMt, spirit-stirring language he 
vpvakN ill its dfteiice in tin- Senate, against the dainniiig doclrint; of coustruc- 
lion and implicalion which tlie arch spirit of Federalism is wont to urge in be- 
half of iincoiibtitutioiial laws! As we listen to him we fuel as did those who 
drank in the soul-animating words of Demosthenes, and are ready to cry with 
them, •• Let's fight Philip." 

" 1 have read to the Senate," said he, "the clause in the Constitution relating to 
this ••ubject. I have said that no man could mistake the meaning. Ibegleaveto 
recant that e.xpression. There is one class of men who may construe it very 
diir-rently : statesmen tliey call themselves, but no more like the statesmen of 
former times 'than 1 to Hercules.' They belong not to the earth, nor deal with 
it justly ; they spurn the ground on which they walk. Following the lights of 
a bewildered imagination, they rush into speculations, and, in their mad career, 
trample under foot rights natural and chartered. The Constitution presents 
no barrier in their way- Its language, however simple and ])lain, is construed 
into an ambiguous text, to suit their ruinous designs. Every thing is too plain 
and simple for their vast minds. They go for splendor ; and what does not 
glitter is regarded as worthless. May Heaven, in its goodness, relieve us from 
all the tribe. Sir, I take the simple, unambiguous language of the Constitution 
as I find it. I will not inquire what it should be, but whal it is, when J come to 
decide upon it. The wisdom of our illustrious ancestors framed it ; and, when 
I am asked to exchange it tor the policy of the hour, i answer nay. Ko mat- 
ter by what circumstances I may be surrounded — abuse^d, slandered, vilified, 
as much as my bitterest enemies may please — this shall be my answer: Every 
day's experience satisfies me that amid all the turmoil and confusion of par- 
ties, the lirst post of safety is, to stand by the Constitution ; the second post 
of safety i.s, to stand by the Constitution; and the last post of safety is, to 
stand by the Constitution." 

While a member of the Senate of the United States an occasion presented 
itself in which his professions of regard for the Constitution were put to the 
eeverest test. The Legislature of Virginia instructed him to vote in the 
Senate contrary to his own sense of right. He had no alternative but to obey, 
to vote against his conscience, or resign. He chose the latter, and gave up 
three unexpired years of his term. This is his language on that occasion : — 

" When acting under an oath, the public agent, whether a senator or a juror, 
is bound by an obligation of a higher and more controlling character than can 
procceil from any earthly source. The Constitution of the United States is the 
original and primary letter of instructions — supreme over all, and binding upon 
all. P^or the agent who is sworn to support it, to violate it knowingly and in- 
tentionally would be an act of the grossest immorality and most unmitigated 
debasement- Such is the condition in which, in my view of the subject, obedi- 
ence to your instructions would place me. It is known to you, gentlemen, that 
on my eiilcring the Senate, the only oath which I took was an oath to support 
the Constitution of the United States ; to support it in all and each of its pro- 
visions; to yield it neither to force, persuasion, nor expediency. No matter 
what the obji-ct, thould its attainment confer upon me the greatest persoi.al ad- 
vantages, still to remain unseduced — not to touch that forbidden fiuit. I cn- 
teri d into a covenant uilh my Creator, to break which would not fail to ])iace 
in my Ijosom a Promethean vulture to tear and devour me. The obligation, 
then, to obi-y an instruction which calls upon me to break that covenant, can- 
not possibly exist. 1 should be unworthy the conlidence of all honorable men 
if I could be induced, under any circumstances, to commit an act of deliberate 
perjury. Instead of a seat in tin; Senate, 1 should richly deserve to be put in 
the pillory, and to loso both my ear.s as an indelible mark of my baseness; and 
^u^l| would be the Hentence which the laws of Virginia would pronounco 
apaiiifimi'. Voii have admitted the truth of this position in the alternative 
T)r»MMi!r-,l ill your si-coiid rrsoliition. Between these alternatives I cannot 
Lchitaic lo chooht;. It is not for (?very ditferiMice of o])inion between the repre- 
ocntalivc and constituent that the constituent would necessarily require the 



(in) 

resignation of the reprepentative. In the course of a Bomewhat long political 
life, it must have occurred that my opinions have been variant from the 
opinions of those I represent; but in presenting to me tlie alternative of resig- 
nation in this instance, you give me to be distinctly informed that the accom- 
plishment of your object is regarded as of such primary importance tliat my 
resignation is desired if compliance cannot be yielded. 1 am bound to consider 
you as in this fiiirly representing the sentiments of our common constituents, 
the people of Virginia, to whom alone you are amenable if you have mistaken 
their wishes. My position in regard to this whole subject is of a character to 
preclude mo from going into abstractions. I do not hesitate, on tlie contrary, 
to declare that if you had, as the accredited organs of the people, addressed 
me a request to vacate my seat in the Senate, your request would have had 
■with me the force of law; not a day or an liour could I desire to remain in 
the Senate beyond that hour wherein I came to be iiilbrmed that it was the 
settled wish of the peo])le of Virginia that 1 should retire trom their service. 
That people have honored nie with the highest offices within tlieir gilts. If 
the talents which 1 have brought into their service be humble, I shall have at 
least brought fidelity to their Interests. Nowhere else have I looked lor re- 
ward but to their approbation. I have served under four administrations, 
and might, doubtlessly, by a cour.se of subserviency and sycophancy, have ob- 
tained what is called by some preferment. But what could have compensated 
for the baseness of my prostitution, and the betrayal of the confidence reposed 
in me by a generous people. The executive files furnish no record of my 
name as an apjilicant for any of the crumbs which liave fallen from the ex- 
ecutive table. I repeat, that I have looked exclusively to the people of Vir- 
ginia, and when they have extended to me their confidence for twenty odd 
years — when I am indebted to them tor whatever of credit and standing I 
pos.sess in the world, I cannot and will not permit myself to remain in the 
Senate for a moment beyond the time that tlieir accredited organs shall in- 
struct me that my services are no longer acceptable. If gratitude for tlie past 
did not, my own conscious w'eakness would control my course. What would 
it profit tiie country or myself for me to remain in the Senate against their 
wishes] By retaining my place in opposition to their fixed, declared, and set- 
tled will, I should aid no cause — advance no great purpose — be powerless tor 
good, and provoke only to harm ; reposing on my feeble strength, I should 
Vainly flatter myself that I could, with my single arm, sustain the Constitu- 
tion, and keep back what I might consider the tide of error, when in very 
trutii I should but excite the popular prejudices more strongly, and imminently 
endanger the Constitution by my very efforts to sustain it." 

His Views of Foreign Commerce. 

President Tyler is, and always has been, in favor of moderate duties. During 
the Congre-ss of 1831-2 Mr. Tyler delivered a most masterly speech on the 
subject of the Tariff, in which he followed, through all their windings and sub- 
tleties, the doctrines opposed to Free-trade. This speech was, beyond all 
quesliov, one of the most brilliant and Democratic ever delivered in any 
assembly in the world. VVe have no room to give even the slightest analysis 
of it at this time. We .hope yet to put it into the hands of every man who is 
engaged in commercial pursuits, or who wishes well to the interests of com- 
merce. We have room but for one short extract; namely : — 

" Independent of foreign nations*! Sir, this is not only a shallow^ but in some 
measure an impious argument. An all-wise Providence never designed that 
man should be independent of man, or nation of nation. Separate man from 
his species — throw him upon his own unaided and unassisted resources — and 
you convert him tbrthwiih into a ferocious savage. So with a nation. The 
ocean, which has been aptly called the highway of nations, bears upon its bosom 
the rich freight of the arts and sciences of one portion of the world in exchange 
for those of another. Light is then given for light, and civilization is advanced 
to its highest point of perfection. But adopt the opposite policy — accomplish 
this work of independence — convert the frozen regions of the North into tlie 



(14) 

burning equator in their productions : in other wordf=, set at naufj;)!! the decrees 
of the C'rcatDr ill the formation of the globe, and let the ocean no ion<j;er be 
us»^d f)r the groat purposes of commerce, and the bold pretensions of man 
would Ih' punished by the result of his own shortsighted policy. Chaos would 
come ajrain, and the night of gloom and ignorance would enshroud the world. 
And, alter all, are not nations that sell as dependent upon nations that buy as 
the reverse 1 The dependence is mutual, and that mutuality of interest and 
dependence constitutes the golden circle whicli embraces the universe." 

His Views of the Sailor. 

The navy and the mercantile marine of our nation have a warm friend in 
President Tyler. Some striking facts illustrative of this, will be given at another 
time. We can only refer on tliis occasion to what he said on this subject in 
time past ; at a lime when the thought of ever occupying the Presidential chair 
was the t'arthest from his mind. 

Sliorlly after lie became Governor of Virginia, he was invited by the Legisla- 
ture to present a sword to Commodore Warrington, which had been voted 
Iiim by that body. Mr. Tyler cheerfully complied, and among other eloquent 
remarks, said : 

" The sailor's life is at the best a life of danger. He pursues honor on the 
mountain wave, and finds it in the battle and in the storm, and never did more 
distinguished chivalry display itself than in the conduct of our seamen during 
the late war. It had been vauntingly said that the infant navy committed to 
the protection of yourself and comrades would be buried in the ocean by the 
first blast which swept the Atlantic. But the blast came, the battle raged, and 
yet the bamier of that navy floated on in triumph. The waves of every sea 
reflected its glory, and the wilderness itself was awakened by the shouts of 
victory. Virginia regards you, her gallant son, as having greatly contributed in 
producing these glorious results. 

" I'roud is the reflection consequent upon a faithful discharge of our duty ; 
prouder still, the recollection that we have so acquitted ourselves as to have 
advanced the reputation of our native land in the eyes of foreign states. That 
modesty, so inseparable from true valor, may lead yourself and your gallant 
compatriots to believe that you have only contributed to exalt the character of 
your country in the eyes of the present generation ; but believe not that the 
effects of your valor are to be as fleeting as the days of that race of men who 
beheld your exploits. The chivalry of a Howard and a Drake pointed the 
way to Aboukir and Trafalgar. 

"The applause of his native land is the richest reward to whicli the patriot 
ever aspires. It is this for which 'he dares to live or dares to die.' It is the 
high incentive to those achievements which illustrate the page of history and 
give to poetry its brightest charm. Happy is that man who wins that reward 
by virtuous and j)atriotic deeds ; and this, sir, has been your fortune. Receive, 
tljon, this sword, the memorial of Virginia's gratitude, bestowed with a confi- 
dent a.'^jurance that it will be drawn whenever duty shall require it, and in 
none otlier tlian your country's cause." 

Jlis IiUerestfor the Soldiers of the Revolution, 

The claim.s of these heroic men he lias ever sustained with all the earnest- 
nesa of his nature. Never would he hear* with patience any proposal to 
reduce their hard-earned pensions- Speaking of tlieir services on a certain 
occahion, in Congress, ho said : 

" Tli<-ir services in the achievement of our independence equally entitle them 
to the nation's gratitude. Why, then, should not Congress interfere in tlieir 
behalf! While we present to the National Ciovernineiit an occasion for the 
oxi-rciHo of itH liberality, We pre.-^ent also a claim sanctioned by every principle 
of juhtice ; and we might reasonably indulge the anticipation that our api>lica- 
lion Would b.) libtened to with atleution and crowned with succecs." 

And on anotlicr occasion ; — 



( 15 ) 

" Tlio gallant corps of Marion and of Sumtor, to mention no others, had 
great caiiso of complaint. They had stood forlh for tiio country in its iiour of 
greatest peril and deepest gloom ; strangers to every comfort, their tent was the 
canopy of heaven, ami their encampment the swamp and morass. Tiieirs was 
a pure an unalloyed jjatriotisn), stimulated by no prospect of reward either in 
land or money. Their idol was their country ; their only wish, its emancipa- 
tion. But still the principle of that law was well a.scertained and easily under- 
stood. That princi[)le was necessity — great penury on the part of the soldier. 
It rested on charity." 

His Views of Exclusive Privileges. 

"Here, sir, I join issue with the gentleman. What is tlie end of all legisla- 
tion .' Is it not the public good 1 Do we come here to legislate away the 
rights and happiness of our constituents, or to advance and secme them 1 
Suppose that, by carrying into effect a specified power in the Constitution, we 
inflict serious injury upon the body politic: will gentlemen contend that we 
arc bound by a blind fatality, and compelled to act .' Sir, such a doctrine can- 
not be supported even by the distinguished talents of that gentleman. The 
powers of this Constitution are all addressed to the sound discretion of Con- 
gress. You are not imperatively commanded, but authorized to act, if by so 
acting the good of the country will be promoted. 

" Having, as I trust, overthrown this position of the honorable gentleman, I 
will now, by the indulgence of the committee, proceed to investigate the pro- 
priety of adopting this bill. If theke were no other objection to its adop- 
tion, THE CIRCU!\1STANCE OF ITS CONFERRING EXCLUSIVE PRIVILEGES ON A PAR- 
TICULAR CLASS OF SOCIETY WOULD SECURE TO IT MY OPPOSITION. I AM IN PRIN- 
CIPLE OPPOSED TO THE GRANT OF EXCLUSIVE PRIVILEGES. ThE VERY NATURE 
AND GENIUS OF OUR GOVERNMENT IS OPPOSED TO ANY SUCH GRANT. But CVCU if 

I were disposed to yield this principle in any case, I could not do so in this. Is 
not the farmer, the manufacturer, the mechanic, equally entitled with the mer- 
chant to your protection, to the benefit of your laws? This bill is confined to 
the merchant alone. What have the agriculturist and mechanic done to forfeit 
their claims to your justice, your liberality !" 

But our limits forbid that we follow President Tyler through his oft-repeated 
defence of the Democratic doctrines. It must suffice to say, that on the subject 
of Iitlcrnal Improvements ; on the Indian Question ; on the Missouri Question ; 
on all, he is Democratic, and only Democratic. He was an ardent friend and 
supporter of Jefferson, and of Jackson ; he voted for Mr. Van Buren's confirma- 
tion as ]]Iinister to Great Britain; and he has ever stood, and still stands ready 
to go into the thickest of the fight for true Democracy. 

Of his acts AS President it is our jiurpose to speak in another Tract ; and 
to show ihat the acts of his Administration are worthy of the man, and of the 
able Cabinet he has called around him. We cannot close our humble labors 
without adverting to 

The Personal Character of President Tyler. 

This is beyond reproach. We can triumphantly challenge his bitterest enemy 
to show an instance in which he has swerved from the path of honor and of 
honesty. Though possessed of physical courage, surpassed only by the higher 
trait of moral courage, and though he has passed through the most troublous 
political times, the blood of the duellist stains not his hands. He has sent 
no lellow-man to the scenes of another world, all " unanointed, unannealed." 
His disposition is eminently frank and confiding, making of his friends, friends 
indeed. The brilliancy, versatility, and impressiveness of his conversation, are 
known of all who have been in his society. 

In closing this imperfect sketch of John Tyler, we cannot deny ourselves the 
pleasure of making an extract from an address delivered by him in 1338, 
before the Literary Societies of Randolph Macon College, illustrating, as it 
does, 



(16) 
His Religious SentimerUs. 



^ 



•Absolute perfection, it is lamentably true, is rarely if ever reached. As the 
hurriiatio or eartlicjuake disturbs tliocjuiet of the natural world, so some unruly 
pnstioii from tiiiR- to time bursts forth in its fury, detlnoning reason, and shak- 
wig tno.st tiTribly tin? animal system. Jn view of this, the ancient of other days 
hung his head in des]>air, and the lover of his species had almost cea.'icd to 
hope. Let liie truth be confessed: resting upon our own unaided resources 
we are like mariners on the stormy deep, at the mercy of the fitful winds and 
unsteady wave.s without chart or compass. We are driven we know not 
whither ; no peaceful haven in view, and no friendly star shining amid the 
darkness by which to steer our course. There is but one hand strong enough 
to save us. Our Creator must be our preserver from the dangers which 
threaten. To Him alone we can raise our eyes in hope and conlidence. Re- 
posing on Him, our Irailty is converted into strength, and the storm rages 
narn)lessly around us. In His inlinite goodness He has deputed among us a 
divine Teacher, and under the influence of His teaching the world has already 
been reclaimed from barbarism to civilization; from ignorance to knowledge. 
Bitfore His coming, man mistook rashness for true courage, and a rude stoicism 
for virtue. The warrior clad in his armor, and trampling with his heel on the 
fallen, was esteemed the chief among men ; and the war-cry which was sounded 
over every land, adrighted peace iVom the earth. Man was not only the enemy 
of his fellow-man, but the great enemy of himself The passions were in fear- 
ful confhct. A new Star arost3 in the heaven.s, and there came healing on its 
beams. The spirit of anger, the darker spirit of revenge, hatred, with its kin- 
dred and gloomy host, was rebuked, and love and charity spread their mantle 
over the earth. Would we, then, know to what refuge we may flee from the 
madness of the passions? 'J'hat retuge is to be Ibund in the Christian doc- 
trine; in the charity which it teaches, in the love which it inculcates. The 
Bible is the great moral code, wliose lessons address themselves with resistless 

flower to the heart and to the understanding. Where, among the boasted phi- 
osophy of the schools shall we look for any tiling to compare witli its pure and 
divine instructions ? What lamp, lighted up by all their proud wisdom, 
fihines with so brilliant and yet so mild a lustre along the pathway of life? 
What so elevates the soul to a sublime concei)tion of the attributes of the Deity \ 
In striving to attain perfection, where shall we look tor an exemplar but to the 
meek and lowly Nazarene ? Let the champions of Infidelity, in their infuriate 
zeal, declaim as they may — until they shall have furnished to the world some- 
tliing belter than in their idle ravings they have yet done, they and their works 
will go down in darkness to the same grave. They have striven in vain to 
shake the edifice of Christain faith ; but its foundations are laid deep in the 
affections, and their assaults have ended only in their own destruction. The 
banner of Infidelity has been struck, down to the dust, while the Cross has been 
Bct in the all-glorious heavens." 



ADVERTISEMENT. 



TRACT NO. 3, KNTITLKD 

JOHN TYLLiR'S VETOES, 

OR 

HONESTY Till': BICST POLICT, 

will Ih" ready on the Ist February next. It will be written by a gentleman 
long convtrsant with the business inter(\sLs of the country, and will bIiow that 
its prcBont prosperity is one of t}ie results of tlie Vetoes. 



